THE upholders of slavery in America - of the atrocities of
which system, I shall not write one word for which I have not had ample proof
and warrant - may be divided into three great classes.
The first, are those more moderate and rational owners of human cattle, who
have come into the possession of them as so many coins in their trading capital,
but who admit the frightful nature of the Institution in the abstract, and
perceive the dangers to society with which it is fraught: dangers which however
distant they may be, or howsoever tardy in their coming on, are as certain to
fall upon its guilty head, as is the Day of Judgment.
The second, consists of all those owners, breeders, users, buyers and sellers
of slaves, who will, until the bloody chapter has a bloody end, own, breed, use,
buy, and sell them at all hazards: who doggedly deny the horrors of the system
in the teeth of such a mass of evidence as never was brought to bear on any
other subject, and to which the experience of every day contributes its immense
amount; who would at this or any other moment, gladly involve America in a war,
civil or foreign, provided that it had for its sole end and object the assertion
of their right to perpetuate slavery, and to whip and work and torture slaves,
unquestioned by any human authority, and unassailed by any human power; who,
when they speak of Freedom, mean the Freedom to oppress their kind, and to be
savage, merciless, and cruel; and of whom every man on his own ground, in
republican America, is a more exacting, and a sterner, and a less responsible
despot than the Caliph Haroun Alraschid in his angry robe of scarlet.
The third, and not the least numerous or influential, is composed of all that
delicate gentility which cannot bear a superior, and cannot brook an equal; of
that class whose Republicanism means, 'I will not tolerate a man above me: and
of those below, none must approach too near;' whose pride, in a land where
voluntary servitude is shunned as a disgrace, must be ministered to by slaves;
and whose inalienable rights can only have their growth in negro wrongs.
It has been sometimes urged that, in the unavailing efforts which have been
made to advance the cause of Human Freedom in the republic of America (strange
cause for history to treat of!), sufficient regard has not been had to the
existence of the first class of persons; and it has been contended that they are
hardly used, in being confounded with the second. This is, no doubt, the case;
noble instances of pecuniary and personal sacrifice have already had their
growth among them; and it is much to be regretted that the gulf between them and
the advocates of emancipation should have been widened and deepened by any
means: the rather, as there are, beyond dispute, among these slave-owners, many
kind masters who are tender in the exercise of their unnatural power. Still, it
is to be feared that this injustice is inseparable from the state of things with
which humanity and truth are called upon to deal. Slavery is not a whit the more
endurable because some hearts are to be found which can partially resist its
hardening influences; nor can the indignant tide of honest wrath stand still,
because in its onward course it overwhelms a few who are comparatively innocent,
among a host of guilty.
The ground most commonly taken by these better men among the advocates of
slavery, is this: 'It is a bad system; and for myself I would willingly get rid
of it, if I could; most willingly. But it is not so bad, as you in England take
it to be. You are deceived by the representations of the emancipationists. The
greater part of my slaves are much attached to me. You will say that I do not
allow them to be severely treated; but I will put it to you whether you believe
that it can be a general practice to treat them inhumanly, when it would impair
their value, and would be obviously against the interests of their masters.'
Is it the interest of any man to steal, to game, to waste his health and
mental faculties by drunkenness, to lie, forswear himself, indulge hatred, seek
desperate revenge, or do murder? No. All these are roads to ruin. And why, then,
do men tread them? Because such inclinations are among the vicious qualities of
mankind. Blot out, ye friends of slavery, from the catalogue of human passions,
brutal lust, cruelty, and the abuse of irresponsible power (of all earthly
temptations the most difficult to be resisted), and when ye have done so, and
not before, we will inquire whether it be the interest of a master to lash and
maim the slaves, over whose lives and limbs he has an absolute control!
But again: this class, together with that last one I have named, the
miserable aristocracy spawned of a false republic, lift up their voices and
exclaim 'Public opinion is all-sufficient to prevent such cruelty as you
denounce.' Public opinion! Why, public opinion in the slave States IS slavery,
is it not? Public opinion, in the slave States, has delivered the slaves over,
to the gentle mercies of their masters. Public opinion has made the laws, and
denied the slaves legislative protection. Public opinion has knotted the lash,
heated the branding-iron, loaded the rifle, and shielded the murderer. Public
opinion threatens the abolitionist with death, if he venture to the South; and
drags him with a rope about his middle, in broad unblushing noon, through the
first city in the East. Public opinion has, within a few years, burned a slave
alive at a slow fire in the city of St. Louis; and public opinion has to this
day maintained upon the bench that estimable judge who charged the jury,
impanelled there to try his murderers, that their most horrid deed was an act of
public opinion, and being so, must not be punished by the laws the public
sentiment had made. Public opinion hailed this doctrine with a howl of wild
applause, and set the prisoners free, to walk the city, men of mark, and
influence, and station, as they had been before.
Public opinion! what class of men have an immense preponderance over the rest
of the community, in their power of representing public opinion in the
legislature? the slave-owners. They send from their twelve States one hundred
members, while the fourteen free States, with a free population nearly double,
return but a hundred and forty-two. Before whom do the presidential candidates
bow down the most humbly, on whom do they fawn the most fondly, and for whose
tastes do they cater the most assiduously in their servile protestations? The
slave-owners always.
Public opinion! hear the public opinion of the free South, as expressed by
its own members in the House of Representatives at Washington. 'I have a great
respect for the chair,' quoth North Carolina, 'I have a great respect for the
chair as an officer of the house, and a great respect for him personally;
nothing but that respect prevents me from rushing to the table and tearing that
petition which has just been presented for the abolition of slavery in the
district of Columbia, to pieces.' - 'I warn the abolitionists,' says South
Carolina, 'ignorant, infuriated barbarians as they are, that if chance shall
throw any of them into our hands, he may expect a felon's death.' - 'Let an
abolitionist come within the borders of South Carolina,' cries a third; mild
Carolina's colleague; 'and if we can catch him, we will try him, and
notwithstanding the interference of all the governments on earth, including the
Federal government, we will HANG him.'
Public opinion has made this law. - It has declared that in Washington, in
that city which takes its name from the father of American liberty, any justice
of the peace may bind with fetters any negro passing down the street and thrust
him into jail: no offence on the black man's part is necessary. The justice
says, 'I choose to think this man a runaway:' and locks him up. Public opinion
impowers the man of law when this is done, to advertise the negro in the
newspapers, warning his owner to come and claim him, or he will be sold to pay
the jail fees. But supposing he is a free black, and has no owner, it may
naturally be presumed that he is set at liberty. No: HE IS SOLD TO RECOMPENSE
HIS JAILER. This has been done again, and again, and again. He has no means of
proving his freedom; has no adviser, messenger, or assistance of any sort or
kind; no investigation into his case is made, or inquiry instituted. He, a free
man, who may have served for years, and bought his liberty, is thrown into jail
on no process, for no crime, and on no pretence of crime: and is sold to pay the
jail fees. This seems incredible, even of America, but it is the law.
Public opinion is deferred to, in such cases as the following: which is
headed in the newspapers:-
'INTERESTING LAW-CASE.
'An interesting case is now on trial in the Supreme Court, arising out of the
following facts. A gentleman residing in Maryland had allowed an aged pair of
his slaves, substantial though not legal freedom for several years. While thus
living, a daughter was born to them, who grew up in the same liberty, until she
married a free negro, and went with him to reside in Pennsylvania. They had
several children, and lived unmolested until the original owner died, when his
heir attempted to regain them; but the magistrate before whom they were brought,
decided that he had no jurisdiction in the case. THE OWNER SEIZED THE WOMAN AND
HER CHILDREN ITS THE NIGHT, AND CARRIED THEM TO MARYLAND.'
'Cash for negroes,' 'cash for negroes,' 'cash for negroes,' is the heading of
advertisements in great capitals down the long columns of the crowded journals.
Woodcuts of a runaway negro with manacled hands, crouching beneath a bluff
pursuer in top boots, who, having caught him, grasps him by the throat,
agreeably diversify the pleasant text. The leading article protests against
'that abominable and hellish doctrine of abolition, which is repugnant alike to
every law of God and nature.' The delicate mamma, who smiles her acquiescence in
this sprightly writing as she reads the paper in her cool piazza, quiets her
youngest child who clings about her skirts, by promising the boy 'a whip to beat
the little niggers with.' - But the negroes, little and big, are protected by
public opinion.
Let us try this public opinion by another test, which is important in three
points of view: first, as showing how desperately timid of the public opinion
slave-owners are, in their delicate descriptions of fugitive slaves in widely
circulated newspapers; secondly, as showing how perfectly contented the slaves
are, and how very seldom they run away; thirdly, as exhibiting their entire
freedom from scar, or blemish, or any mark of cruel infliction, as their
pictures are drawn, not by lying abolitionists, but by their own truthful
masters.
The following are a few specimens of the advertisements in the public papers.
It is only four years since the oldest among them appeared; and others of the
same nature continue to be published every day, in shoals.
'Ran away, Negress Caroline. Had on a collar with one prong turned down.'
'Ran away, a black woman, Betsy. Had an iron bar on her right leg.'
'Ran away, the negro Manuel. Much marked with irons.'
'Ran away, the negress Fanny. Had on an iron band about her neck.'
'Ran away, a negro boy about twelve years old. Had round his neck a chain
dog-collar with "De Lampert" engraved on it.'
'Ran away, the negro Hown. Has a ring of iron on his left foot. Also, Grise,
HIS WIFE, having a ring and chain on the left leg.'
'Ran away, a negro boy named James. Said boy was ironed when he left me.'
'Committed to jail, a man who calls his name John. He has a clog of iron on
his right foot which will weigh four or five pounds.'
'Detained at the police jail, the negro wench, Myra. Has several marks of
LASHING, and has irons on her feet.'
'Ran away, a negro woman and two children. A few days before she went off, I
burnt her with a hot iron, on the left side of her face. I tried to make the
letter M.'
'Ran away, a negro man named Henry; his left eye out, some scars from a dirk
on and under his left arm, and much scarred with the whip.'
'One hundred dollars reward, for a negro fellow, Pompey, 40 years old. He is
branded on the left jaw.'
'Committed to jail, a negro man. Has no toes on the left foot.'
'Ran away, a negro woman named Rachel. Has lost all her toes except the large
one.'
'Ran away, Sam. He was shot a short time since through the hand, and has
several shots in his left arm and side.'
'Ran away, my negro man Dennis. Said negro has been shot in the left arm
between the shoulder and elbow, which has paralysed the left hand.'
'Ran away, my negro man named Simon. He has been shot badly, in his back and
right arm.'
'Ran away, a negro named Arthur. Has a considerable scar across his breast
and each arm, made by a knife; loves to talk much of the goodness of God.'
'Twenty-five dollars reward for my man Isaac. He has a scar on his forehead,
caused by a blow; and one on his back, made by a shot from a pistol.'
'Ran away, a negro girl called Mary. Has a small scar over her eye, a good
many teeth missing, the letter A is branded on her cheek and forehead.'
'Ran away, negro Ben. Has a scar on his right hand; his thumb and forefinger
being injured by being shot last fall. A part of the bone came out. He has also
one or two large scars on his back and hips.'
'Detained at the jail, a mulatto, named Tom. Has a scar on the right cheek,
and appears to have been burned with powder on the face.'
'Ran away, a negro man named Ned. Three of his fingers are drawn into the
palm of his hand by a cut. Has a scar on the back of his neck, nearly half
round, done by a knife.'
'Was committed to jail, a negro man. Says his name is Josiah. His back very
much scarred by the whip; and branded on the thigh and hips in three or four
places, thus (J M). The rim of his right ear has been bit or cut off.'
'Fifty dollars reward, for my fellow Edward. He has a scar on the corner of
his mouth, two cuts on and under his arm, and the letter E on his arm.'
'Ran away, negro boy Ellie. Has a scar on one of his arms from the bite of a
dog.'
'Ran away, from the plantation of James Surgette, the following negroes:
Randal, has one ear cropped; Bob, has lost one eye; Kentucky Tom, has one jaw
broken.'
'Ran away, Anthony. One of his ears cut off, and his left hand cut with an
axe.'
'Fifty dollars reward for the negro Jim Blake. Has a piece cut out of each
ear, and the middle finger of the left hand cut off to the second joint.'
'Ran away, a negro woman named Maria. Has a scar on one side of her cheek, by
a cut. Some scars on her back.'
'Ran away, the Mulatto wench Mary. Has a cut on the left arm, a scar on the
left shoulder, and two upper teeth missing.'
I should say, perhaps, in explanation of this latter piece of description,
that among the other blessings which public opinion secures to the negroes, is
the common practice of violently punching out their teeth. To make them wear
iron collars by day and night, and to worry them with dogs, are practices almost
too ordinary to deserve mention.
'Ran away, my man Fountain. Has holes in his ears, a scar on the right side
of his forehead, has been shot in the hind part of his legs, and is marked on
the back with the whip.'
'Two hundred and fifty dollars reward for my negro man Jim. He is much marked
with shot in his right thigh. The shot entered on the outside, halfway between
the hip and knee joints.'
'Brought to jail, John. Left ear cropt.'
'Taken up, a negro man. Is very much scarred about the face and body, and has
the left ear bit off.'
'Ran away, a black girl, named Mary. Has a scar on her cheek, and the end of
one of her toes cut off.'
'Ran away, my Mulatto woman, Judy. She has had her right arm broke.'
'Ran away, my negro man, Levi. His left hand has been burnt, and I think the
end of his forefinger is off.'
'Ran away, a negro man, NAMED WASHINGTON. Has lost a part of his middle
finger, and the end of his little finger.'
'Twenty-five dollars reward for my man John. The tip of his nose is bit off.'
'Twenty-five dollars reward for the negro slave, Sally. Walks AS THOUGH
crippled in the back.'
'Ran away, Joe Dennis. Has a small notch in one of his ears.'
'Ran away, negro boy, Jack. Has a small crop out of his left ear.'
'Ran away, a negro man, named Ivory. Has a small piece cut out of the top of
each ear.'
While upon the subject of ears, I may observe that a distinguished
abolitionist in New York once received a negro's ear, which had been cut off
close to the head, in a general post letter. It was forwarded by the free and
independent gentleman who had caused it to be amputated, with a polite request
that he would place the specimen in his 'collection.'
I could enlarge this catalogue with broken arms, and broken legs, and gashed
flesh, and missing teeth, and lacerated backs, and bites of dogs, and brands of
red-hot irons innumerable: but as my readers will be sufficiently sickened and
repelled already, I will turn to another branch of the subject.
These advertisements, of which a similar collection might be made for every
year, and month, and week, and day; and which are coolly read in families as
things of course, and as a part of the current news and small-talk; will serve
to show how very much the slaves profit by public opinion, and how tender it is
in their behalf. But it may be worth while to inquire how the slave-owners, and
the class of society to which great numbers of them belong, defer to public
opinion in their conduct, not to their slaves but to each other; how they are
accustomed to restrain their passions; what their bearing is among themselves;
whether they are fierce or gentle; whether their social customs be brutal,
sanguinary, and violent, or bear the impress of civilisation and refinement.
That we may have no partial evidence from abolitionists in this inquiry,
either, I will once more turn to their own newspapers, and I will confine
myself, this time, to a selection from paragraphs which appeared from day to
day, during my visit to America, and which refer to occurrences happening while
I was there. The italics in these extracts, as in the foregoing, are my own.
These cases did not ALL occur, it will be seen, in territory actually
belonging to legalised Slave States, though most, and those the very worst among
them did, as their counterparts constantly do; but the position of the scenes of
action in reference to places immediately at hand, where slavery is the law; and
the strong resemblance between that class of outrages and the rest; lead to the
just presumption that the character of the parties concerned was formed in slave
districts, and brutalised by slave customs.
'HORRIBLE TRAGEDY.
'By a slip from THE SOUTHPORT TELEGRAPH, Wisconsin, we learn that the Hon.
Charles C. P. Arndt, Member of the Council for Brown county, was shot dead ON
THE FLOOR OF THE COUNCIL CHAMBER, by James R. Vinyard, Member from Grant county.
THE AFFAIR grew out of a nomination for Sheriff of Grant county. Mr. E. S. Baker
was nominated and supported by Mr. Arndt. This nomination was opposed by
Vinyard, who wanted the appointment to vest in his own brother. In the course of
debate, the deceased made some statements which Vinyard pronounced false, and
made use of violent and insulting language, dealing largely in personalities, to
which Mr. A. made no reply. After the adjournment, Mr. A. stepped up to Vinyard,
and requested him to retract, which he refused to do, repeating the offensive
words. Mr. Arndt then made a blow at Vinyard, who stepped back a pace, drew a
pistol, and shot him dead.
'The issue appears to have been provoked on the part of Vinyard, who was
determined at all hazards to defeat the appointment of Baker, and who, himself
defeated, turned his ire and revenge upon the unfortunate Arndt.'
'THE WISCONSIN TRAGEDY.
Public indignation runs high in the territory of Wisconsin, in relation to
the murder of C. C. P. Arndt, in the Legislative Hall of the Territory. Meetings
have been held in different counties of Wisconsin, denouncing THE PRACTICE OF
SECRETLY BEARING ARMS IN THE LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS OF THE COUNTRY. We have seen
the account of the expulsion of James R. Vinyard, the perpetrator of the bloody
deed, and are amazed to hear, that, after this expulsion by those who saw
Vinyard kill Mr. Arndt in the presence of his aged father, who was on a visit to
see his son, little dreaming that he was to witness his murder, JUDGE DUNN HAS
DISCHARGED VINYARD ON BAIL. The Miners' Free Press speaks IN TERMS OF MERITED
REBUKE at the outrage upon the feelings of the people of Wisconsin. Vinyard was
within arm's length of Mr. Arndt, when he took such deadly aim at him, that he
never spoke. Vinyard might at pleasure, being so near, have only wounded him,
but he chose to kill him.'
'MURDER.
By a letter in a St. Louis paper of the '4th, we notice a terrible outrage at
Burlington, Iowa. A Mr. Bridgman having had a difficulty with a citizen of the
place, Mr. Ross; a brother-in-law of the latter provided himself with one of
Colt's revolving pistols, met Mr. B. in the street, AND DISCHARGED THE CONTENTS
OF FIVE OF THE BARRELS AT HIM: EACH SHOT TAKING EFFECT. Mr. B., though horribly
wounded, and dying, returned the fire, and killed Ross on the spot.'
'TERRIBLE DEATH OF ROBERT POTTER.
'From the "Caddo Gazette," of the 12th inst., we learn the frightful death of
Colonel Robert Potter. . . . He was beset in his house by an enemy, named Rose.
He sprang from his couch, seized his gun, and, in his night-clothes, rushed from
the house. For about two hundred yards his speed seemed to defy his pursuers;
but, getting entangled in a thicket, he was captured. Rose told him THAT HE
INTENDED TO ACT A GENEROUS PART, and give him a chance for his life. He then
told Potter he might run, and he should not be interrupted till he reached a
certain distance. Potter started at the word of command, and before a gun was
fired he had reached the lake. His first impulse was to jump in the water and
dive for it, which he did. Rose was close behind him, and formed his men on the
bank ready to shoot him as he rose. In a few seconds he came up to breathe; and
scarce had his head reached the surface of the water when it was completely
riddled with the shot of their guns, and he sunk, to rise no more!'
'MURDER IN ARKANSAS.
'We understand THAT A SEVERE RENCONTRE CAME OFF a few days since in the
Seneca Nation, between Mr. Loose, the sub-agent of the mixed band of the
Senecas, Quapaw, and Shawnees, and Mr. James Gillespie, of the mercantile firm
of Thomas G. Allison and Co., of Maysville, Benton, County Ark, in which the
latter was slain with a bowie- knife. Some difficulty had for some time existed
between the parties. It is said that Major Gillespie brought on the attack with
a cane. A severe conflict ensued, during which two pistols were fired by
Gillespie and one by Loose. Loose then stabbed Gillespie with one of those
never-failing weapons, a bowie-knife. The death of Major G. is much regretted,
as he was a liberal-minded and energetic man. Since the above was in type, we
have learned that Major Allison has stated to some of our citizens in town that
Mr. Loose gave the first blow. We forbear to give any particulars, as THE MATTER
WILL BE THE SUBJECT OF JUDICIAL INVESTIGATION.'
'FOUL DEED.
The steamer Thames, just from Missouri river, brought us a handbill, offering
a reward of 500 dollars, for the person who assassinated Lilburn W. Baggs, late
Governor of this State, at Independence, on the night of the 6th inst. Governor
Baggs, it is stated in a written memorandum, was not dead, but mortally wounded.
'Since the above was written, we received a note from the clerk of the
Thames, giving the following particulars. Gov. Baggs was shot by some villain on
Friday, 6th inst., in the evening, while sitting in a room in his own house in
Independence. His son, a boy, hearing a report, ran into the room, and found the
Governor sitting in his chair, with his jaw fallen down, and his head leaning
back; on discovering the injury done to his father, he gave the alarm. Foot
tracks were found in the garden below the window, and a pistol picked up
supposed to have been overloaded, and thrown from the hand of the scoundrel who
fired it. Three buck shots of a heavy load, took effect; one going through his
mouth, one into the brain, and another probably in or near the brain; all going
into the back part of the neck and head. The Governor was still alive on the
morning of the 7th; but no hopes for his recovery by his friends, and but slight
hopes from his physicians.
'A man was suspected, and the Sheriff most probably has possession of him by
this time.
'The pistol was one of a pair stolen some days previous from a baker in
Independence, and the legal authorities have the description of the other.'
'RENCONTRE.
'An unfortunate AFFAIR took place on Friday evening in Chatres Street, in
which one of our most respectable citizens received a dangerous wound, from a
poignard, in the abdomen. From the Bee (New Orleans) of yesterday, we learn the
following particulars. It appears that an article was published in the French
side of the paper on Monday last, containing some strictures on the Artillery
Battalion for firing their guns on Sunday morning, in answer to those from the
Ontario and Woodbury, and thereby much alarm was caused to the families of those
persons who were out all night preserving the peace of the city. Major C. Gally,
Commander of the battalion, resenting this, called at the office and demanded
the author's name; that of Mr. P. Arpin was given to him, who was absent at the
time. Some angry words then passed with one of the proprietors, and a challenge
followed; the friends of both parties tried to arrange the affair, but failed to
do so. On Friday evening, about seven o'clock, Major Gally met Mr. P. Arpin in
Chatres Street, and accosted him. "Are you Mr. Arpin?"
'"Yes, sir."
'"Then I have to tell you that you are a - " (applying an appropriate
epithet).
'"I shall remind you of your words, sir."
'"But I have said I would break my cane on your shoulders."
'"I know it, but I have not yet received the blow."
'At these words, Major Gally, having a cane in his hands, struck Mr. Arpin
across the face, and the latter drew a poignard from his pocket and stabbed
Major Gally in the abdomen.
'Fears are entertained that the wound will be mortal. WE UNDERSTAND THAT MR.
ARPIN HAS GIVEN SECURITY FOR HIS APPEARANCE AT THE CRIMINAL COURT TO ANSWER THE
CHARGE.'
'AFFRAY IN MISSISSIPPI.
'On the 27th ult., in an affray near Carthage, Leake county, Mississippi,
between James Cottingham and John Wilburn, the latter was shot by the former,
and so horribly wounded, that there was no hope of his recovery. On the 2nd
instant, there was an affray at Carthage between A. C. Sharkey and George Goff,
in which the latter was shot, and thought mortally wounded. Sharkey delivered
himself up to the authorities, BUT CHANGED HIS MIND AND ESCAPED!'
'PERSONAL ENCOUNTER.
'An encounter took place in Sparta, a few days since, between the barkeeper
of an hotel, and a man named Bury. It appears that Bury had become somewhat
noisy, AND THAT THE BARKEEPER, DETERMINED TO PRESERVE ORDER, HAD THREATENED TO
SHOOT BURY, whereupon Bury drew a pistol and shot the barkeeper down. He was not
dead at the last accounts, but slight hopes were entertained of his recovery.'
'DUEL.
'The clerk of the steamboat TRIBUNE informs us that another duel was fought
on Tuesday last, by Mr. Robbins, a bank officer in Vicksburg, and Mr. Fall, the
editor of the Vicksburg Sentinel. According to the arrangement, the parties had
six pistols each, which, after the word "Fire!" THEY WERE TO DISCHARGE AS FAST
AS THEY PLEASED. Fall fired two pistols without effect. Mr. Robbins' first shot
took effect in Fall's thigh, who fell, and was unable to continue the combat.'
'AFFRAY IN CLARKE COUNTY.
'An UNFORTUNATE AFFRAY occurred in Clarke county (MO.), near Waterloo, on
Tuesday the 19th ult., which originated in settling the partnership concerns of
Messrs. M'Kane and M'Allister, who had been engaged in the business of
distilling, and resulted in the death of the latter, who was shot down by Mr.
M'Kane, because of his attempting to take possession of seven barrels of
whiskey, the property of M'Kane, which had been knocked off to M'Allister at a
sheriff's sale at one dollar per barrel. M'Kane immediately fled AND AT THE
LATEST DATES HAD NOT BEEN TAKEN.
'THIS UNFORTUNATE AFFRAY caused considerable excitement in the neighbourhood,
as both the parties were men with large families depending upon them and stood
well in the community.'
I will quote but one more paragraph, which, by reason of its monstrous
absurdity, may be a relief to these atrocious deeds.
'AFFAIR OF HONOUR.
'We have just heard the particulars of a meeting which took place on Six Mile
Island, on Tuesday, between two young bloods of our city: Samuel Thurston, AGED
FIFTEEN, and William Hine, AGED THIRTEEN years. They were attended by young
gentlemen of the same age. The weapons used on the occasion, were a couple of
Dickson's best rifles; the distance, thirty yards. They took one fire, without
any damage being sustained by either party, except the ball of Thurston's gun
passing through the crown of Hine's hat. THROUGH THE INTERCESSION OF THE BOARD
OF HONOUR, the challenge was withdrawn, and the difference amicably adjusted.'
If the reader will picture to himself the kind of Board of Honour which
amicably adjusted the difference between these two little boys, who in any other
part of the world would have been amicably adjusted on two porters' backs and
soundly flogged with birchen rods, he will be possessed, no doubt, with as
strong a sense of its ludicrous character, as that which sets me laughing
whenever its image rises up before me.
Now, I appeal to every human mind, imbued with the commonest of common sense,
and the commonest of common humanity; to all dispassionate, reasoning creatures,
of any shade of opinion; and ask, with these revolting evidences of the state of
society which exists in and about the slave districts of America before them,
can they have a doubt of the real condition of the slave, or can they for a
moment make a compromise between the institution or any of its flagrant, fearful
features, and their own just consciences? Will they say of any tale of cruelty
and horror, however aggravated in degree, that it is improbable, when they can
turn to the public prints, and, running, read such signs as these, laid before
them by the men who rule the slaves: in their own acts and under their own
hands?
Do we not know that the worst deformity and ugliness of slavery are at once
the cause and the effect of the reckless license taken by these freeborn
outlaws? Do we not know that the man who has been born and bred among its
wrongs; who has seen in his childhood husbands obliged at the word of command to
flog their wives; women, indecently compelled to hold up their own garments that
men might lay the heavier stripes upon their legs, driven and harried by brutal
overseers in their time of travail, and becoming mothers on the field of toil,
under the very lash itself; who has read in youth, and seen his virgin sisters
read, descriptions of runaway men and women, and their disfigured persons, which
could not be published elsewhere, of so much stock upon a farm, or at a show of
beasts:- do we not know that that man, whenever his wrath is kindled up, will be
a brutal savage? Do we not know that as he is a coward in his domestic life,
stalking among his shrinking men and women slaves armed with his heavy whip, so
he will be a coward out of doors, and carrying cowards' weapons hidden in his
breast, will shoot men down and stab them when he quarrels? And if our reason
did not teach us this and much beyond; if we were such idiots as to close our
eyes to that fine mode of training which rears up such men; should we not know
that they who among their equals stab and pistol in the legislative halls, and
in the counting-house, and on the marketplace, and in all the elsewhere peaceful
pursuits of life, must be to their dependants, even though they were free
servants, so many merciless and unrelenting tyrants?
What! shall we declaim against the ignorant peasantry of Ireland, and mince
the matter when these American taskmasters are in question? Shall we cry shame
on the brutality of those who hamstring cattle: and spare the lights of Freedom
upon earth who notch the ears of men and women, cut pleasant posies in the
shrinking flesh, learn to write with pens of red-hot iron on the human face,
rack their poetic fancies for liveries of mutilation which their slaves shall
wear for life and carry to the grave, breaking living limbs as did the soldiery
who mocked and slew the Saviour of the world, and set defenceless creatures up
for targets! Shall we whimper over legends of the tortures practised on each
other by the Pagan Indians, and smile upon the cruelties of Christian men! Shall
we, so long as these things last, exult above the scattered remnants of that
race, and triumph in the white enjoyment of their possessions? Rather, for me,
restore the forest and the Indian village; in lieu of stars and stripes, let
some poor feather flutter in the breeze; replace the streets and squares by
wigwams; and though the death-song of a hundred haughty warriors fill the air,
it will be music to the shriek of one unhappy slave.
On one theme, which is commonly before our eyes, and in respect of which our
national character is changing fast, let the plain Truth be spoken, and let us
not, like dastards, beat about the bush by hinting at the Spaniard and the
fierce Italian. When knives are drawn by Englishmen in conflict let it be said
and known: 'We owe this change to Republican Slavery. These are the weapons of
Freedom. With sharp points and edges such as these, Liberty in America hews and
hacks her slaves; or, failing that pursuit, her sons devote them to a better
use, and turn them on each other.'
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